Continuing with CCJ’s reading series, we have reviewed A. Mechele Dickerson’s The Middle-Class New Deal. Her academic approach and policy manifesto for restoring upward mobility and the American dream.
The Middle-Class New Deal is an insightful and forward-looking exploration of how the United States can renew its commitment to opportunity, stability, and economic mobility. In this work, Dickerson brings both clarity and compassion to the challenges facing today’s middle class, offering a roadmap that is especially relevant for working people and elected officials to take note of in restoring the middle class.
Dickerson’s message resonates strongly: the American Dream remains within reach, but it requires intentional action to rebuild the systems that support working families. She thoughtfully highlights the barriers many households face – rising costs, changing job markets, and uneven access to education – while maintaining a hopeful and solutions-driven perspective.
Equally compelling is her recognition of the role that families and communities play in fostering mobility. The author emphasizes that economic success is not just about income, but about stability, opportunity, and support systems. Her framework reinforces the idea that policy and community action must work hand in hand.
Dickerson starts by breaking down the complex history of the middle class and identifies the policy decisions credited with its inception and decline. She identifies key issues like affordable childcare, investment in education, and wage support, within the middle class, that must be addressed to restore upward mobility.
To break down some of The Middle-Class New Deal, we must wrestle with the definition of wealth in the US and define the middle class. We must identify what has changed in the US to have caused this affordability crisis and the decline of the middle class. Lastly, we need to identify the pathway to restore upward mobility for the working class, affirming that with thoughtful policy, strong community partnerships, and a shared commitment to opportunity.
The Middle Class: A Definition
What is the middle class, and is there a consistent definition?
Dickerson’s answer is that the middle class consists of households earning between $ 75,000 and $130,000 annually; however, there are many ways to define the ambiguous “middle class”. Time magazine in 1970 described the people as those who “sing the national anthem at football games.” Dickerson goes on to provide descriptions of the middle class from Bill Clinton, the US Department of Commerce, and other sources. Dickerson asks us to really analyze our definition of “Middle Class” and its lightning-rod-like political power. She also distinguishes the upper-middle class, households making over $140,000. The relevance of this inclusion is that those in the upper-middle class identify as middle class but have greater economic security and are less affected by financial hardships than the middle class.
This is part of the difficulty of defining the middle class. People’s perceptions of their class identity do not always align with their income. Many Americans whom Dickerson might classify as “upper-rich” consider themselves middle class. Dickerson’s discussion demonstrates that class is not simply about a specific dollar amount. It can also involve a person’s lifestyle, economic security, expectations, and class identity.
While Dickerson establishes an economic baseline to define the middle class, I wanted to have seen the term “working class” included in the book. As a reader, it is important to know that the working class was defined and separated from the “Middle class” because of wage pay, insecurity in housing, and chronically lacking in social services. I feel it is important to include the working class in the broader discussion, as these two categories have the same struggles. Focusing only on income ranges can overlook the shared interests and struggles that connect working- and middle-class Americans. Recognizing the power and solidarity of the working class is important because it enables us to use the tools Dickerson provides to effect meaningful change, particularly in restoring upward mobility and the American Dream.
What Happened to the Middle Class?
To understand what has happened to the middle class, we must understand what created it. It is important to note that systemic racism has excluded many black and brown communities from being included in policy initiatives, and these communities have encountered numerous examples of separate and unequal barriers. A large portion of Dickerson’s analysis focuses on the exclusion of these groups. Dickerson speaks about the historical significance of these facts and their importance. While my breakdown focuses on the policy solutions she offers, it is important to note how significant this context is.
Dickerson acknowledges that large federal policies/laws, along with strong labor unions and worker solidarity, helped establish a middle class. She includes examples from the Great Depression and World War 2, such as the GI Bill, that helped create upward mobility. These changes focus on community and familial investment, specifically in housing and education. The decline of the middle class and the reduction in upward mobility are attributed to a lack of investment in the working class and in fostering economic stability in lower- to middle-income communities. Current policies, like the Big Beautiful Bill, are focused on cutting support programs such as SNAP and other forms of food assistance, removing 3.2 million beneficiaries from assistance, while saving the top 10% of earners over 13 thousand a year.
The collapse of the working class has been a slow decline: the loss of “good-paying” jobs, i.e., affordability within households, the lack of support for public education, and the drop in affordable housing/ homeownership. These issues have created a drain on, and eventually led to, the collapse of many middle-class families. The loss of purchasing power drains families’ abilities to save and increases the amount of debt they take on. In 1980, U.S. household debt was about 50% of GDP. By 2008, it had climbed to nearly 100% of GDP. The lack of comfortable, safe, affordable housing creates systemic barriers to the decline in family health, to social support systems, and to the overall resources working-class families can use to achieve upward mobility and make healthy, safe choices. Homeownership is one of the defining characteristics of the middle class. It not only serves as a possible transfer of wealth between generations but also allows for stability and growth.
Finally, the lack of financial support for colleges and public education has severely reduced the upward mobility and job potential of the middle class. Dickerson writes about “shadow education” and the history of private education as a result of inequality and disinvestment in the working class.
The Middle-Class New Deal
Dickerson advocates for a number of policy proposals that would invest in and support the middle class. She proposes rethinking education and how we incorporate families into the learning process, highlighting the cultural differences of all students, not just the majority. She suggests changes in employment plans, focusing on skills training and revising Pell grants to support higher education. Dickerson recommends large-scale housing policy changes, debt and savings plans, and a more intentional approach to collecting data to support middle-class families through this “new deal”. Affordability and the ability to maintain savings are critical components of this solution. Dickerson portrays a mindset of investment in the middle and working classes. A refocus on the American dream and creating a better quality of life for families, not large corporations or the rich.
One example is centering many services in public schools. Creating an environment to incentivize community development financial institutions (CDFIs) to open branches at K-12 public schools. This could create programs around educating students on finances and how to improve saving, also improving access to reputable financial institutions.. Dickerson also highlights programs to halt the accrual of interest on debt held by lower- and middle-income families.
Another example is providing more funding to build affordable housing in areas with large middle- and working-class families. This could ease some of the barriers to achieving financial stability by providing the opportunity to own a home. Dickerson calls on politicians to support these projects and to create resources for families in high-opportunity neighborhoods.
Center for Coalfield Justice has supported many policy frameworks and laws that coincide with Dickerson’s recommendations for restoring the middle class and the American dream. We have rallied for Whole Homes Repair, a program to address housing and habitability in Pennsylvania. We have supported bills that would raise revenue by closing corporate loopholes that deprive our state and schools of the resources they need. CCJ has also advocated cutting tax credits for industries that do not create economic growth or develop communities, such as data centers.
Where do we go from here?
Dickerson has done an amazing job of researching the history and telling the story of the middle class up until this point. Where we go from here is up to us. We will continue to rally for change that supports the middle and working class. We will continue to build solidarity with our communities and learn from each other on how to better govern our state and ourselves. If you have the time and the drive to fight for the middle class, or you want to better understand why you feel like things are harder now more than ever, give The Middle-Class New Deal a read. When you finish, come on down to CCJ and have a conversation. There is a lot of work to do, and we can’t do it without you.